Zodiac Signs of the Buddhist Maṇḍala

*Garbhadhātu-maṇḍala 
The zodiac signs as we presently know them were devised around the year 500 BCE in Mesopotamia based on an earlier model of eighteen signs. Within a few centuries the Greeks were deeply involved in the study of astronomy and astrology. Hellenistic astrology, which was the foundation for later European and Islamic traditions of astrology, was largely produced in Alexandria in Egypt starting around the second century BCE. Alexander died in 323 and Ptolemy took control of Egypt. The Ptolemaic Kingdom (305–30 BCE) ruled over Egypt until it came under Roman domination after the death of Cleopatra (69–30 BCE). The Romans subsequently took a deep interest in astrology and in the late Republic of the first century BCE it served as an exotic and alternative system of divination in competition with traditional Roman divination (augury and so forth). Although the chronology is somewhat unclear, between the second to fifth centuries CE, Hellenistic astrology was introduced to India and in various ways blended with the native systems of religious lore and astrology based on the twenty-seven or twenty-eight nakṣatra-s (lunar stations). 

The scientific astronomy of the Greeks was likewise introduced in these centuries. The tradition of Indian jyotiṣa produced eminent figures like Āryabhaṭa (b. 476) in the Gupta dynasty, whose work on astronomy entitled Āryabhaṭa-siddhānta circulated throughout even the Iranian Sāsānian dynasty (224–651). It seems, however, that Buddhist institutions did not participate much, if at all, in the development of Indian astronomy. Buddhist Mount Meru cosmology, particularly that outlined in Abhidharma literature, is unscientific and based on authoritative statements in scripture. The world is conceived of as a flat disc with four continents of different shapes surrounding an hourglass-shaped Mount Meru with the sun and moon circuiting around it propelled by winds (for some details on this see here).

Later on around the early eleventh century when the Kālacakra literature was being produced (the Śrī-kālacakra tantra and its commentary the Vimalaprabhā), Buddhist authors demonstrated knowledge of advanced observational astronomy. The Śrī-kālacakra (ninth section of chapter one) discusses astronomy for instance. It describes the corruption of siddhānta-s (astronomical treatises), which the commentary identifies as those of Brahma, Sauram, Yamanakam and Romakam. The former two are Indian, but so far as I know, not Buddhist. It seems in any case there were no notable specifically Buddhist schools of astronomy. The latter two mean Yavana (Ionian or “Greek”, or later meaning other foreign cultures) and Roman, which highlight their foreign origins. The Kālacakra also uses the tropical zodiac rather than sidereal zodiac, which is significant because originally it was only late Hellenistic traditions of astronomy that used the tropical zodiac while Indians continued using the sidereal model (see Edward Henning's article here). This use of the tropical zodiac in the early eleventh century in India could possibly indicate an Islamic source for that element in light of the vibrant tradition of astronomy in Baghdad and other such centers of learning which Indian traditions were aware of. Islamic learning was not at all remote from India in those years.

Although Indian Buddhist institutions had limited interest in astronomy for most of their history, they still took an interest in astrology. There are plenty of early Buddhist texts that display a passive belief in astrological determinism, which is a topic of a paper I recently wrote (it is presently under review for publication). Astrological determinism is the belief that events and qualities of people are somehow influenced or signaled by celestial bodies. The belief that certain days are auspicious and conducive to some favorable outcome is an example of this.

The Buddhist poṣadha (sangha gathering to recite the precepts and carry out business) occurs according to the Indian lunar (nakṣatra) calendar on specific days of the cycle which are deemed favorable (such as the full and new moons). Although one might assume it was merely a convenient way to keep track of time, the Mahāsāṃghika-vinaya (translated into Chinese in the early fifth century) has the Buddha stating that a specific day “agrees with the nakṣatra-s” which is effectively electional astrology (selecting a time to do something based on astrological considerations). The Mahāsāṃghika-vinaya – even in the early fifth century when the Chinese monk Faxian 法顯 picked up a copy in Pāṭaliputra (modern Patna) – was considered in ancient India to be the oldest recension of the vinaya and some modern scholarship agrees that this is likely true. That would mean the early Buddhist sangha believed in astrology or at least a system of electional astrology based on the nakṣatra calendar. Perhaps even the Buddha himself believed in astrology.

There were therefore few ideological or philosophical obstacles in Buddhism to adopting elements from foreign systems of astrology, such as the twelve zodiac signs, from around the sixth century onward. As we discussed earlier in an earlier post (see here), it seems the teacher of Śubhakarasiṃha 善無畏 (637–735), a certain Dharmagupta of Nālandā, was the original human author behind the Mahāvairocana-sūtra, an early text in the tantric tradition. Śubhakarasiṃha's commentary on the text briefly mentions the twelve zodiac signs or houses, but goes into no details. The *Garbhadhātu-maṇḍala associated with the text does however depict these figures around the perimeter and they are understood as deities, albeit minor ones.

The concept of star worship was by no means alien to Buddhism as the aforementioned Mahāsāṃghika-vinaya has an invocation of nakṣatra deities. I tend to think that the practice of astral magic was actually native to Magadha originally. Early Brahmanism on the other hand had a low opinion of astrologers and forbid them from attending sacrifices. The Manusmṛti (chapter three) has the following code:

162. A trainer of elephants, oxen, horses, or camels, he who subsists by astrology, a bird-fancier, and he who teaches the use of arms, ... (all these) must be carefully avoided.

Nevertheless, the importance of observing astrological considerations is highlighted:

277. He who performs it on the even (lunar) days and under the even constellations, gains (the fulfilment of) all his wishes; he who honours the manes on odd (lunar days) and under odd (constellations), obtains distinguished offspring.

Although astrologers might have been disparaged, the validity of astrology itself was not questioned. There are some examples in Buddhist literature of astrology's validity being attacked, but in general most of the texts that I have surveyed indicate a passive belief in astrology despite the monastic prohibitions against practicing astrology.

The zodiac signs as they were depicted in China are preserved in an important document in Japan, the Taizō zuzō 胎藏圖象, which visually represents the deities of the *Garbhadhātu-maṇḍala. These representations are based on those brought to Japan from China by Enchin 圓珍 (814–891). He copied them in 855 in Chang’an at Qinglong-si 青龍寺, a center of learning for esoteric Buddhism. It is believed that these icons were first produced by Śubhakarasiṃha. The icons therefore have been recopied several times by Japanese and Chinese hands, but assuming they were faithful to the originals, we perhaps have a set of zodiac icons as they were generally envisioned by Śubhakarasiṃha, who represents the late seventh century Nālandā tradition of Buddhism, though at the same time we must concede that the icons as we presently have them show Central Asian and Chinese influences. One might even imagine that Śubhakarasiṃha had the icons in some manuscript from India and then asked a local artist to reproduce them. Not being an art historian myself, I will not make any judgments about this and will just present them here.

1. Aries - Meṣa



2. Taurus - Vṛṣabha



3. Gemini - Mithuna



4. Cancer - Karkaṭa



5. Leo - Siṃha



6. Virgo - Kanyā



7. Libra - Tulā



8. Scorpio - Vṛścika



9. Sagittarius - Dhanus



10. Capricorn - Makara



11. Aquarius - Kumbha



12. Pisces - Mīna



The depiction of Capricorn as a Makara is interesting. Monier-Williams defines makara as follows:

m. a kind of sea-monster (sometimes confounded with the crocodile , shark , dolphin &c ; regarded as the emblem of kāma-deva [cf. mokara-ketana &c below] or as a symbol of the 9th arhat of the present avasarpiṇī ; represented as an ornament on gates or on head-dresses).

As I mentioned earlier, the zodiac signs were treated as deities and there are also mantras for addressing them collectively with other astral deities. It should be noted that they were minor figures. However, it is interesting that in Buddhist literature they are regarded as deities alongside the planets because in the Greco-Egyptian tradition of astral magic, so far as I know, only the planets are regarded as gods (this was carried over into Latin which is why we still in English say Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter and Saturn). 

In Hellenistic astrology, the zodiac houses serve as domiciles which planets rule over, but in the associated magical tradition, at least as it is preserved in extant papyri, I am unaware of zodiac signs being treated as sentient gods. The nakṣatra-s had already long been regarded as sentient gods for many centuries in Magadha, so transforming the zodiac signs into such figures was perhaps a natural progression.

Did the Buddha permit grape wine?

In an earlier post “Why did the Buddha prohibit alcohol?” we reviewed the Vinaya literature (Buddhist monastic codes) that discuss why the Buddha laid down a precept against the consumption of alcohol. 

There are different versions of this account, but generally they all agree that a bhikṣu named Svāgata passed out from drinking too much after celebrating his defeat of a Nāga that had been terrorizing a region. Whether this really happened or not aside, the early Buddhist community, like other śramaṇa traditions, looked down on alcohol consumption and thus it sobriety was highly valued from early on.

However, Buddhists in at least one part of India were involved in wine production not so long after the Buddha died. It also seems probable that many of them consumed alcohol as well, and that it might have become not so unusual in later centuries.

Harry Falk in his paper “Making Wine in Gandhāra Under Buddhist Monastic Supervision” outlines the archaeological discoveries indicating that in Gandhāra the Buddhist monks possessed equipment for making wine, which was a prominent feature of the local culture. He also discusses how wine drinking was depicted on stūpa panels and stair raisers. He notes that "it seems that neither non-Buddhist visitors nor the heads of the monasteries were passionately opposed to the production, distribution and consumption of wine in connection with religious festivals."

Wine making had been a long-standing practice prior to the introduction of Buddhism. Falk asserts that the "age-old and non-Buddhist wine-cum-merry-making festival was so attractive that its organisation was hijacked by the Buddhist monasteries. It was also adopted by Buddhist communities further east, in Sanghol and Mathura." While he acknowledges the Vinaya strictly forbids monks from consuming any alcohol, his final assertion is that monks eventually legitimized their own participation in such activities, the monks "finding an excuse for drinking and erotic encounters by creating religious constructions which we today subsume under the label of Tantric Buddhism."

Gandhāra one will recall is in the northwest of the Indosphere, which is now Pakistan and Afghanistan. It is well-known for its Hellenistic style of Buddhist art, though the western influences run very deep and I would recommend anyone interested to read "When the Greeks Converted the Buddha: Asymmetrical Transfers of Knowledge in Indo-Greek Cultures" by Georgios T. Halkias (see here).

This culture of wine consumption on the part of monks possibly became prominent enough to be mentioned in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya. The Vinaya is a section of the Buddhist canon which details the rules and administrative procedures Buddhist monks and nuns are to follow. Early Buddhist schools each developed their own editions, so the Vinaya that a Theravādin monk would follow would be different from this Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, which was incidentally probably used at the prominent monastery of Nālandā. It is also the monastic code used by Tibetan monks (see Berzin here).

The version of the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya I'm familiar with is the Classical Chinese translation done by Yijing (635-713) 義淨 in 703. It has an account of the Buddha apparently instructing the disciples how prepare grape juice in a way that could easily produce wine.

As the story goes, a yakṣa offered grapes to the bhikṣus on the outskirts of a monastery. The bhikṣus did not recognize what they grapes were, so they asked the Buddha. He explains that grapes are a fruit of the north and are to be “made pure” through fire. This is a formal gesture that Buddhist monastics are supposed to do with food where it is disfigured or made imperfect before being consumed. The following in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya Bhaiṣajya-vastu relates what happened afterward:

《根本說一切有部毘奈耶藥事》卷9:「于時葡萄食訖。由尚多殘。佛言。應可押取葡萄汁。煎汁不熟。遂便抒出。佛言。應可熟煎盛貯。供僧伽等非時漿飲。」(CBETA, T24, no. 1448, p. 39, c17-19)

At that time, the grapes had been consumed and because there were still many leftover the Buddha said, “The grape juice is to be pressed out of them. Heat the juice but not thoroughly cooking it, and then strain it.” The Buddha said, “It is to be heated and stored away, to be offered to the sangha as a beverage when it is untimely [past noon].”

A similar story is related in the Sarvāstivāda Vinaya (a different Vinaya from the Mūlasarvāstivāda), but it says nothing about heating the juice and storing it.1 However, a similar story is found in the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya Nidāna-mātṛkā, also translated by Yijing. The sangha is offered a basket of fruits from a yakṣa, which includes grapes. After the Buddha explains to the bhikṣus what the fruits are and how to purify them, he says that the leftovers are to be mashed into a beverage which may be consumed at will. There were further leftovers and the Buddha states, “Having boiled it store it in a jar. It shall be consumed on another day.”2

This could actually just be referring to the production of unfermented grape syrup, which was common in the Near East. However, this is not entirely certain. Ronald Jackson mentions an ancient technique of wine making that “entails concentrating the juice or semisweet wine by gentle heating or boiling. The treatment results in a loss of varietal character, but generates a caramelized or baked odor."3 Unless the juice has been boiled down to a syrup, it will certainly naturally ferment if stored in jars.

In light of Falk's discussion about wine production in Gandhāra, I am inclined to think this is tacitly referring to actual wine production. If there was a concern that the grape juice could ferment – and they would have been aware of this – then I imagine it ought to state that if fermentation occurs it is not to be consumed.

The reality is that wine consumption in the northwest of the Indosphere was quite prevalent and predated the introduction of Buddhism. Xuanzang's 玄奘 (602-664) translation of the Abhidharma Mahāvibhāṣā Śāstra states, “In the north poor men drink grape wine while in other places even the rich cannot obtain it.”4 

Xuanzang in his travelogue of India also explains the sorts of alcohol available in India when he visited in the seventh century. He states something to the effect that “śramaṇa-s and Brahmins drink grape and sugar cane beverages, but they are not called liquors.”5 The grammatical structure of the last part of the sentence is unusual (非 … 之謂也), and seems to be saying “it is not considered” or “not called” liquor. Unless the text is corrupted (and it is quoted elsewhere identically in a premodern source),6 then given that he is describing the sorts of liquors available in India, he is basically explaining that wine (and rum apparently) is consumed by śramaṇa-s (i.e., Buddhist monks), but simply called otherwise to avoid the taboo against alcohol. This brings to mind the custom in Japan, which comes from China originally, where liquor is comically referred to as “prajñā soup” (hannya-tō 般若湯).

Although the Vinaya forbids alcohol quite clearly, this does not mean this prohibition was universally upheld or even valued so highly in India. The Vinaya literature was basically in the care of a minority of literate Buddhist clerics, who clearly updated the materials when it suited them. It would be unwise to think their rules and regulations actually reflected the reality of Buddhism on the ground in ancient India.

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Footnotes:

1《十誦律》卷26:「彼頻闍山中有一夜叉鬼。字優耽摩。舊在彼山中住。此鬼信佛言心淨。思惟。我當何物上佛。此中唯有葡萄。即取上佛。佛言。與僧作分。彼即與比丘。比丘不受言。佛未聽我曹噉葡萄。以是事白佛。佛言。從今日聽噉葡萄。時大有葡萄食飽多殘。諸比丘不知當云何。白佛。佛言。壓汁飲。若葡萄不作淨。若汁中不以水作淨。不應飲。若葡萄作淨。汁中不作淨。若汁作淨。葡萄不作淨。不應飲。葡萄淨汁亦淨應飲。」(CBETA, T23, no. 1435, p. 192, c9-19)

2《根本說一切有部尼陀那目得迦》卷10:「時彼藥叉既承信已。即送葡萄石榴甘橘甘蔗胡挑渴樹羅等成滿筐籠。命餘藥叉送彼庭中令持供養。諸苾芻見而白佛言。此北方果不知如何。佛言。以火作淨然後應食。時諸苾芻一一別淨。佛言。應為一聚但三四處以火淨之。食皆無犯。行與眾已仍有餘長。佛言。應可捼碎作非時漿隨意而飲。復更有餘。佛言。煮已瓨盛餘日當飲。」(CBETA, T24, no. 1452, p. 454, b30-c8)

3 Ronald S. Jackson, Wine Science: Principles, Practice, Perception (Academic Press, 2000), 400.

4《阿毘達磨大毘婆沙論》卷12:「北方貧人飲葡萄酒餘方富者亦不能得。」(CBETA, T27, no. 1545, p. 60, c4-5)

5《大唐西域記》卷2:「沙門、婆羅門飲蒲萄、甘蔗漿,非酒醴之謂也。」(CBETA, T51, no. 2087, p. 878, b5-6)

6《四分律名義標釋》卷14:「沙門。婆羅門。飲蒲萄甘蔗漿。非酒醴之謂也」(CBETA, X44, no. 744, p. 512, c11-12 // Z 1:70, p. 309, b1-2 // R70, p. 617, b1-2)

7 Gregory Schopen, “The Good Monk and His Money in Monasticism of 'the Mahāyāna Period'” in Indian Monastic Buddhism Collected Papers on Textual, Inscriptional and Archaelogical Evidence (New Delhi, India: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Limited), 1-2.


8 Quoted in Johannes Bronkhorst, Buddhism in the Shadow of Brahmanism Handbook of Oriental Studies (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 18-19.