Rome, Persia, China and Indian Buddhism

Discussion of classical Indian Buddhism in the early centuries of the first millennium has generally been done within the geographical limits of the Indosphere stretching from what is now Afghanistan down through to Sri Lanka. While Buddhism in the early centuries did expand outside this region to areas like Central Asia and China, Buddhism as a major institution and civilization was in the 3rd century still largely limited to the subcontinent and Persian borderlands. However, the fortunes of Buddhism in the second through fourth centuries CE have to be understood within a greater geopolitical context stretching from the Roman Empire across Asia to China. The prosperity and misfortunes that Buddhism experienced in India were in fact intricately tied to international trade and commerce.

Giovanni Verardi in his recent work Hardships and Downfall of Buddhism in India explains how Buddhism in India established an “open society” across the subcontinent which was effectively an urban pro-trade social model in contrast to the competing Brahman agrarian model based on caste. Whereas the sangha was dependent on and intimately connected to commercial activities and the merchant classes for funding and protection, the Brahmans sought to secure an alternative agrarian order which provided them with supreme authority, even over kṣatriya kings. Such competing social models inevitably led to conflict.

One might even describe it as class warfare. In the traditional caste system a merchant is given a lower position, so it is unsurprising that they might support Buddhism which rejected a preordained social order, and moreover provided merchants with prestigious status as benefactors as well as the opportunity for spiritual attainment. It was also in the interests of some kṣatriya kings to favour Buddhism as they could emulate the cakravartin ideal and increase their power base through taxation of merchants, whereas in the orthodox Vedic model they were supposed to give gifts of cattle and tax-free land to Brahmans, as well as act as caretaker of a throne with the real political power being held by the Brahman priests.

The well-being and sustainability of Buddhism in India in this period effectively rested on trade, which in India was part of a larger pan-Eurasian network stretching from Rome to China. In this period Buddhism had already changed into a highly organized Vinaya-based monastic model. It grew increasingly complex by assembling an extensive written canon that needed to be continually physically reproduced. It further came to have sophisticated artistic traditions. All of this required resources and people plus continual investments to maintain everything. The monastic model in India was parasitic on the economy. It generally consumed resources and did not produce much in the way of agricultural products or commodities, though it did function in the tertiary sector of the economy. Buddhist institutions often operated money lending and storage services. All things considered, Buddhism was a capital intensive religion, much as it largely still is in most of Asia. Predictably, any disruption to capital inputs naturally undermined the religion, which indeed is what happened.
It is interesting to consider how the political developments and plagues that occurred in such distant lands could have impacted Buddhism on the subcontinent in such a deep way, though we have only to think of the so-called Silk Road to the north and transoceanic trade to the south which kept goods, bullion and coinage in circulation around Eurasia. The trade between India and China is widely understood in Buddhist circles, though the relations between Rome and India are less known. Romila Thapar explains the significance of the trade:

Roman historian Pliny complained of the trade with the east being a serious drain on the income of Rome, to the extent of 550 million sesterces each year, of which at least a fifth went to India. Imports from India were largely luxury articles - spices, jewels, textiles, ivories and animals (apes, parrots and peacocks) for the amusement of the Roman patrician and his family. It was therefore thought that the balance of trade was in favour of India. But recently it has been argued that even if Pliny's figure is correct, customs dues and taxes on the imports from the east into Roman Egypt were high enough to compensate for the drain of money in the initial outlay for this trade. It has also been argued that Tiberius and later Pliny, both of whom complained about the drain of Roman wealth to India, may have been more concerned about making a moral judgement on Roman patrician society with its display of wealth, and therefore used the trade to underline the point. Nevertheless, it was a profitable trade for the merchants and chiefs of the Indian peninsula.1

The peak of Buddhist power in India occurred during flourishing trade with Rome but also the era of foreign rule over the subcontinent by the Kuṣāṇa dynasty (1st-3rd centuries CE):

The foreign dynasties that from the first century BC to the second century AD ruled over a considerable part of India could not make themselves into 'national' dynasties, and allowed Buddhism, and also neo-Brahmanical movements, to grow. The case of Kaniṣka I is particularly interesting. Under his reign (second quarter of the second century AD), Indian Buddhism reached, as documented by the imposing building activity and the iconographic output, its greatest economic power and territorial expansion.2

Gold coin of Kaniṣka I with Buddha image.
The trade throughout Kuṣāṇa territories was heavily influenced by Rome as well. Thapar notes that “the gold coins of the Kushanas followed the Roman weight standard, partly to ensure that they would be used as legal tender in areas familiar with Roman trade. The imitation of particular coins probably had more to do with the continuity of a medium of exchange than with fashion.”3 Furthermore, “products that were in demand in Roman markets were exchanged mainly for Roman coins. The frequency of hoards of such coins in the Deccan and south India point to its being a trade of some substance. Most of the coins are of earlier Roman Emperors, such as Augustus and Tiberius, the debased coins of Nero not being thought worthy of hoarding.”4

While Kaniṣka and the Kuṣāṇa dynasty were not strictly Buddhist, they did support the sangha. Their trade policies also fostered favorable conditions in which Buddhist institutions thrived. The well-being of Buddhism partially relied on Indian trade with Rome. It is thus unsurprising that “once the conditions created by Kuṣāṇa rule dissolved, and the imposing building activity and impressive amount of artistic output in key-cities like Mathurā and in Buddhist sanctuaries came to a halt, India, besides being de-urbanised, appeared as an iconic desert.”5

Any disruption of international trade would have undermined Buddhist institutions, and this is precisely what happened. It was not just declining trade with Rome, but also China. Again, Verardi:

There is little doubt that the closing down of the open society of the Buddhists and the resulting weakening of the religion of Dharma coincides with the fall in international trading activities, and in particular with the much decreased demand for Indian goods from Rome. Kuṣāṇa currency, circulating over a vast territory, had been linked to the Roman currency system. The collapse of the Han dynasty in China (AD 221) contributed to changing the picture in Central Asia. By that time, we observe a change in the Indian landscape, namely, a rapid process of de-urbanisation. It is every archaeologist's experience that even in the case of continuous human occupation, post-Kuṣāṇa levels display much poorer building techniques and reuse of earlier building material. A great number of small and large towns were abandoned in the third century, and in certain areas, as is shown by territorial surveys, the collapse of a whole network of roads and small settlements, which had been kept functioning by Buddhist monasteries, is observable. This process was probably aggravated by the collapse of the trading activity with the West that followed St Cyprian's plague of the years AD 251-66, which is an important component of the 'crisis of the third century' in the Roman Empire.6

I would add that prior to St Cyprian's plague, there had been another plague starting a century prior which severely damaged the Roman economy and significantly decreased the population: the Antonine plague which reached the empire in 165. Within a few years it had annihilated a sizable portion of tax payers in Egypt alone, which was also the bread basket of the empire. There were further outbreaks of plague in 172, 174, 175, 179, 182 and 189, and thereafter again in the 250s and 260s. During the Fayum area of Egypt during the Antonine plague the tax base dropped 33-44%. Other areas saw declines up to 93%, though some of that would have been as a result of flight.

One estimate states up to 10% of the empire's total population perished, though alternative estimates would suggest upwards of 30% might have died, which would have been comparable to the Black Death in western Europe between 1347-80. This occurred when the empire was already under enormous demographic-structural stress. Sociopolitical instability and the subsequent endemic civil war of the third century prevented population recovery and only contributed to the slow downfall of Rome over the following two centuries.7 All of this no doubt contributed to the currency debasement of the later empire, which is illustrated in the following chart:8

Under Domitian (reigned 81-96) the silver content of the denarius was 3.28 grams, but by the end of the following century the silver equivalent had fallen to just 2 grams. By 272 the denarius only had 2.5% silver in it. By the time St Cyprian's plague hit in 251, the Roman empire was already suffering critical financial problems, which contributed to the fall in international trading activities.

Verardi also rightfully notes another contributing factor in that decline: the collapse of the Han dynasty in around 220 CE. The Han Dynasty is divded into the western or former Han (206-9 BCE) and the later or eastern Han (25-220 CE). It was during the latter that important local changes unfolded which inevitably reduced China's contribution to the aforementioned pan-Eurasian trade network which Indian Buddhism depended on. 

Emperor Guangwu 光武帝 (reigned 25-57 CE) abandoned an earlier offensive strategy along the north frontier against the Xiongnu (barbarian horsemen), who subsequently increasingly engaged in profitable raiding. Populations fled to the south leaving many areas depopulated. Nomads had to be settled in abandoned regions to fend off the Xiongnu. Between 2-140 CE the formally registered population in the north-west dropped by 70%, while the population in the south increased as much as 100% in some regions.

Despite the defeat of the Xiongnu confederation in the 80s, the Xianbei and Qiang tribes replaced them and continued causing trouble for the Han court. Rebellions occurred and provinces were abandoned. In 143 official salaries were reduced and the court had to start borrowing money, demonstrating severe financial problems. In the end the last Han emperor abdicated to warlord Cao Cao's son in 220, marking the end of a nominally unified Chinese empire and the beginning of a ghastly period of perpetual war and instability.9 All this meant a sharp decline in Chinese exports and imports.

One other important factor in the decline of international trade that Verardi does not mention was the collapse of the Parthian empire. Parthia incidentally had a role to play in the aforementioned plague outbreak of 165. The Romans had taken the Parthian cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon, but suffered an outbreak of what was probably smallpox which they brought back to the empire with them when they retreated.

The semi-successful Roman invasion illustrates the exhaustion of the Parthian state which “often fought or frequently had to fight wars on two fronts, for in addition to the Seleucids and Romans in the west they had great adversaries in the east, such as the Greco-Bactrians, the Kushans who succeeded them, the Sakas, the Alans and other peoples of Central Asia. In the long run these conflicts overtaxed both the military and the economic strength of the Parthian empire.”10

Incidentally, the rise of the Sasanians also saw an end to major Buddhist and Brahman activities in Persia. As we can gather from the inscriptions of the priest Kartīr (on the Kabah of Zartusht dating from c.290 CE), Zoroastrianism became the official religion of the Sasanians in 224 CE (this is contested by some modern scholars however: see Gignoux, 1984). The šaman-s (śramaṇa-s) were no longer welcome it seems,11 though at times Buddhism was still tolerated, which was maybe a friendly gesture to certain subjugated peoples of the empire:

However dominant Zoroastrianism was under the Sassanians and whatever exclusivistic and even fanatical tendencies it showed, Buddhism seems to also have been tolerated at times. Even more than tolerance was present if one considers some coins of governor Peroz (242–252 AD) and of king Hormizd (256–264 AD), which depict them as paying homage to the Buddha.12

These developments more or less put an end to the westward expansion of Buddhism, but also quite possibly economic support which would have come from benefactors within the Persian heartlands. Firstly it should be noted that only a few decades before we see the first known reference in the west to mention the Buddhists (and Jains): Clement of Alexandria (c.150-215),13 so Buddhism, or at least knowledge of it, had made its way to the Roman world prior to its prohibition under the Sasanians. Another very curious fact which reveals notable Buddhist culture in Persia is the existence of Buddhist terminology in Manichaean theology:

No Buddhist texts in Parthian are extant, but their existence can been inferred from the presence of Buddhist and Indian terms in the Manichaean Parthian theological vocabulary from the earliest texts onwards (3rd–4th century BC). These terms show that the Manichaeans developed their apologetics in a Buddhist milieu.14

We might surmise that Buddhism in Persia, albeit a minority religion, still could have played a role in trade, but also functioned as another major benefactor to Buddhist civilization both in the Indosphere and Persia. This might not seem so unreasonable when we consider how later institutions like Nālandā received sponsorship from lands as far away as Java. The frontiers of Persia and the Indosphere also had plenty of Buddhist peoples, such as Bactria.

Setting aside such speculation, Parthia in its later years suffered chronic civil strife, a devastating epidemic of smallpox and repeated wars with foreign powers including the Romans, which enabled the rise of the Sasanians (reigned from 224-650 CE). The leader Ardašir went on to capture parts of Armenia, northwest Arabia and the western provinces of the Kuṣāṇa empire. The latter came to be ruled by Sasanian princes. Thereafter he turned west and secured Roman border towns and besieiged Hatra. This predictably led to war with the Romans. We might imagine that the fall of the Parthians and the subsequent wars both on the western and eastern borders of Persia led to decreased trade given the conflict. The Sasanians also had to fend off the nomads from the north, which likewise became a problem for powers in Europe and East Asia.

To summarize, in the third century we see the Roman empire increasingly crippled politically and financially as well as the end of the Kuṣāṇa, Parthian and Han states. The geopolitical situation on the Eurasian continent was largely quite unstable from the Atlantic to the Pacific. It is therefore easy to understand why such a decline in international trade occurred and how it undermined the sustainability of institutionalized Buddhism which had come to be in many ways an extension of the Indian mercantile system. 

Buddhist monasteries in India often provided storage and money lending services in urban areas, which facilitated commercial activities and no doubt encouraged increased patronage from the merchant classes which aligned their own interests with that of the sangha. This was ultimately the undoing of Indian Buddhism for a time, though it did recover but not without suffering hard times, both in terms economic support and a shifting religious atmosphere which saw increasing hostility from forms of Neo-Brahmanism.

The hard times that Buddhism increasingly faced is further reflected later on in the epigraphical record as well. Schopen has examined the relevant inscriptions extensively, which Boucher summarizes stating, “When the Mahāyāna does begin to appear on the scene in Indian Buddhist inscriptions, roughly around the fourth or fifth century, the Mainstream schools increasingly cease to be found epigraphically as recipients of substantial patronage.”15 This likely more reflects the final collapse of the Roman empire and the consequential decrease in coinage in India, but such a decline can already be traced back to the second and third centuries.

As mentioned above, within India as well Buddhism was under increasing pressure from rival religious Neo-Brahmanistic movements, which contrary to former orthodoxy started portraying the divine in art, a practice they probably adopted from the Buddhists. They furthermore developed popular practices that substantially deviated from the orthodox Vedic norm, but unlike the Buddhists they never challenged the caste system. By the fifth century when the Chinese monk Faxian 法顯 (338-c423) visited India, Buddhism was still present and in some regions thriving, but had undergone a few centuries of hardship and decreased support as epigraphical evidence suggests with respect to sponsorship.

Some Mahāyāna sūtras from those hard times take on a particularly pessimistic tone, speaking of how the end of Buddhism is near, such as the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra. Later on the Arthaśāstra from the Gupta dynasty (320-550 CE) takes on a clearly anti-śramaṇa stance. Nevertheless, following the collapse of the Guptas the stage was set for the empowerment of Mahāyāna traditions across north India which prior to that had often been a despised movement. We looked at this in an earlier post 5th Century India: a Turning Point in Buddhist History.

Bodhisattva head. Gandhāra.
The development of Buddhism in India has to be understood in this greater geopolitical context. It is simply not enough to limit one's framework to the Indosphere. This might seem rather daunting, but in reality to understand the historical development of Indian Buddhism, one must understand the greater Eurasian history. The major events in Europe, Persia and China often had an impact on the development of Buddhism on the subcontinent. The famous Graeco-Buddhist artwork from Gandhāra, the descendents of Alexander's men, is one immediately apparent example, but in terms of philosophy and the arcane as well there are distant influences at work as well, most notably in Buddhist Astrology.

We will discuss some these subjects in greater detail in future posts.



1 Romila Thapar, The Penguin History of Early India From the Origins to AD 1300 (London, England: Penguin Books Ltd, 2002), 242-243.

2 Giovanni Veraridi, Hardships and Downfall of Buddhism in India (New Delhi, India: Manohar, 2011), 91.

3 Romila Thapar, 253.

4 Ibid., 242.

5 Giovanni Verardi, 107.

6 Ibid., 106.

7 Peter Turchin and Sergey A. Nefedov, Secular Cycles (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2009), 233-235.

8 Ibid., 221.

9 See Mark Edward Lewis, The Early Chinese Empires Qin and Han (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), 24-29.

10 See Encyclopedia Iranica Online:

12 Erik Seldeslachts in "Greece: The Final Frontier" in Handbook of Oriental Studies The Spread of Buddhism, edited by Ann Heirman and Stephan Peter Bumbacher (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 143.

13 Giovanni Verardi, 77.

14 Xavier Tremblay in "The Spread of Buddhism in Serindia" in Handbook of Oriental Studies The Spread of Buddhism, edited by Ann Heirman and Stephan Peter Bumbacher (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 80.

15 Daniel Boucher, “Dharmaraksa and the Transmission of Buddhism to China” in Asia Major, Volume 19, part 1/2,2006, 37.

Less Known Bodhisattvas

Reading Mahāyāna Buddhist literature you will find reference to many bodhisattvas who are not so well known in the present day, yet historically had a significant role in iconography and popular practices. In the East Asian context it is Japan which best preserved the artistic traditions (in particular sculpture) which brought these figures into the world for all to see. The Japanese initially inherited such traditions from the Korean peninsula and China, though unfortunately the vicissitudes of history were not kind to Buddhism on the mainland. In Japan you can find wooden sculptures dating back to the Asuka Period (592-710), which corresponds to the Sui (581-618) and early Tang (618-907) periods in China. Such preservation is nothing short of remarkable.

There are a few noteworthy bodhisattva figures which are well represented in the ancient Japanese Buddhist artistic tradition which I want to take a look at here. They have served for many centuries as objects of devotion and inspiration, but also have had a role to play in Buddhist practice as well.

Mahāsthāmaprāpta, Late Heian (794-1185)
Mahāsthāmaprāpta Bodhisattva 大勢至菩薩 is one such figure. He is known for his great wisdom with which he eliminates confusion. He flanks Amitābha Buddha with his fellow attendant Avalokitēśvara. The triad are said to greet devotees and guide them to the Pure Land at death. In contrast to Avalokitēśvara's compassion, Mahāsthāmaprāpta illuminates everywhere with his wisdom. In one sense he represents the wisdom of Amitābha. The pair are described in the Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra 無量壽經 and the Sūtra of the Meditation on the Buddha of Immeasurable Life 觀無量壽經. The latter has Avalokitēśvara to the right of Amitābha and Mahāsthāmaprāpta to the left, whereas in the esoteric tradition their sides are reversed. The three are conventionally called the holy beings of the west (i.e., the western Pure Land).

In esoteric tradition he is one of the eight great bodhisattvas, appearing in the Hall of Avalokitēśvara 觀音院 in the Garbhadhātu Maṇḍala 胎藏界曼荼羅. His name does differ however throughout esoteric scriptures. According to the Karuṇāpuṇḍarīka Sūtra, following the pariṇirvāṇa of Amitābha, Avalokitēśvara will take his place as next in line for buddhahood and thereafter Mahāsthāmaprāpta will follow Avalokitēśvara.

In Japan there are scarce specimens where he is alone, never having gained the popular following of his fellow attendant.

Another famous triad includes Bhaiṣajyaguru 藥師如來 (Medicine Buddha) and his two bodhisattva retainers Sūryaprabha 日光菩薩 (Sunlight Bodhisattva) and Candraprabha 月光菩薩 (Moonlight Bodhisattva), who are said to be the chief bodhisattvas of Bhaiṣajyaguru's buddha-realm and also his immediate successors to buddhahood. Together the three are called the holy beings of the east (i.e., the pure emerald world of the east). Bhaiṣajyaguru is chiefly associated with healing while the pair are charged with the task of protecting the teachings of the Tathāgata.

As far as the art record goes in Japan, the pair are almost always alongside Bhaiṣajyaguru. There are almost no examples of them being crafted as single individuals. One famous example of the triad in Nara, Japan is at Tōkōn-dō 東金堂 at Kōfuku-ji 興福寺 pictured here. On the left side of Bhaiṣajyaguru is Sūryaprabha with Candraprabha on the opposite. The central bronze image of Bhaiṣajyaguru is from 1415, though the flanking pair are from the Nara period (710-794).

In the esoteric tradition Candraprabha appears in the Vajradhātu Maṇḍala 金剛界曼荼羅 and Garbhadhātu Maṇḍala. Sūryaprabha appears in the latter. As with Mahāsthāmaprāpta, these figures also have secret names within the esoteric context. This is a feature to the developed esoteric literature: exoteric figures all have their secret designations. They might also have alternative appearances.

The pair are also associated with the Great Compassion Dhāraṇī of Avalokitēśvara. Candraprabha and Sūryaprabha along with immeasurable deva-s increase the efficacy of the incantation when anyone sincerely recites it. Likewise, the two have their own respective dhāraṇī-s which when recited offer protection and elimination of obstacles such as demons, disease and natural disasters.

According to one myth, long ago during the time of Vidyutprabha Tathāgata there was a Brahman raising two sons. Driven by the chaos in the world he generated bodhicitta and vowed to liberate all suffering beings. His sons vowed to make offerings. Vidyutprabha Tathāgata praised him and encouraged him to take the name Medicine King, and his sons to take the names "Sun Illumination" and "Moon Illumination". Later this Medicine King became Bhaiṣajyaguru with his two sons as retainers who became bodhisattvas.

Candraprabha and Sūryaprabha, Tenpyō period 天平 (729-749)

Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva 虛空藏菩薩, otherwise known as Gaganagarbha, is another prominent bodhisattva that is not so well known in the English speaking world. As his name implies, he is like a limitless treasury of wisdom and merit.

In the Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva Sūtra the Buddha praises all his good qualities. His samādhi is like the sea. His pure precepts are like a mountain. His wisdom is like space. His effort is like the wind. His tolerance is like diamond. His wisdom is like the sands in the Ganges. He is the proper guide for people and refuge for both preta-s and animals. He is thus worthy of receiving supreme offerings from beings.

As a figure like Mañjuśrī he represents wisdom and knowledge, though Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva also encompasses arts and skills. In Japan his devotees consequently came to include artists and craftspeople.

There are some major practices associated with him. One is his dhāraṇi which when recited is said to enable memorization and deep understanding of scriptures:

南牟   阿迦捨 揭婆耶   唵   阿唎   迦麼唎   慕唎   莎嚩訶

namo ākāśagarbhāya oṃ ārya kamala-mauli svāhā

Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva, 13th century
This is recorded in a smaller esoteric text translated in 717 by Śubhakarasiṃha (637–735) (T. 1145, 虛空藏菩薩能滿諸願最勝心陀羅尼求聞持法) which teaches the dhāraṇi along with a particular ritual as a means of eliminating obstacles and receiving protection. It also fosters the ability to hear and retain all teachings (i.e., memorization of what is heard or read) without forgetting anything. This is still practised in modern Shingon.

This practice was incidentally part of the early training of the Japanese Shingon patriarch Kūkai 空海 (774-835). During his time at university a certain monk, possibly either Gonsō 勤操 (758–827) or Kaimyō 戒明 (d. 806?) in Nara, introduced him to it which he performed in seclusion in Shikoku.

As the story goes, he was doing this practice at Muroto Misaki 室戸岬 (in modern Kōchi prefecture) when the morning star Venus on the horizon suddenly appeared before him and descended into his mouth resulting in a profound mystical experience. The star was said by Kūkai to have been a manifestation of Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva. This experience during his youth fostered even greater faith and motivated him in his practice, which eventually led him to China where he pursued his studies.

In the esoteric tradition Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva appears in both the Vajradhātu and Garbhadhātu (chief deity of the Hall of Ākāśagarbha 虛空藏院) maṇḍala-s. The wisdom of Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva is extended to the five directions and there are Five Great Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattvas as morphed forms of the five buddhas of the Vajradhātu:

Sanskrit (Tentative)
Dharma-Dhātu Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva 法界虛空藏菩薩 Centre
Vajra Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva 金剛虛空藏菩薩 East
Ratnaprabha Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva 寳光虛空藏菩薩 South
Padma Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva 蓮華虛空藏菩薩 West
Kriyā Ākāśagarbha Bodhisattva 業用虛空藏菩薩 North

At Jingo-ji 神護寺 in Kyōto there is a famous Heian era set of these figures:

Another popular figure of the past was Mahāpratisara Bodhisattva 大隨求菩薩. She is part of the Avalokitēśvara group in the Garbhadhātu Maṇḍala. As a transformation of Avalokitēśvara she sees to all prayers being answered while eliminating hardships and obstacles. These activities are associated with her dhāraṇi, which is taught in the Mahāpratisara Dhāraṇi Sūtra 大隨求陀羅尼經.

One unique feature of this dhāraṇi, as described in the translation by Amoghavajra (705-774), is that if a bhikṣu (monk) has violated their precepts and should fall ill with a serious condition, an upāsaka can write the dhāraṇi and tie it to his head. Even if the ill bhikṣu dies and falls into the hell realms, it is through the merit of the dhāraṇi that they will be freed from the agonies of hell and born in the Trāyas Triṃśa heaven. The texts describes this as having happened once.

Mahāpratisara Bodhisattva
It is common in later developed esoteric literature for mantra-s and dhāraṇi-s to promise increasingly powerful and wide ranging abilities in contrast to ones which work for a specific function. The text in question has stories which describe how someone having recollected the dhāraṇi was saved from fire and poison. The incantation possesses the blessings of all tathāgata-s and is thus said to bestow all manner of protections on the practitioner.

In the maṇḍala iconography she appears yellow with a jewel cap, therein a manifest buddha emerging. She possesses eight arms. On the right she holds a five-pronged vajra, sword, axe and trident. On the left she holds a dharma-cakra lotus, rope, jewelled parasol and palm-leaf scripture. There are however variations on the items she carries. Each hand has a particular mudrā associated with it and corresponding mantra.

Curiously in Japan the practices associated with her were often used for the well-being of women in childbirth or for those seeking to have children. From the Heian period onward she was a popular icon.

There are of course many more bodhisattvas, buddhas and deities within the Buddhist pantheon which were at some point in the past very popular in various cultures. We looked at some aspects of strong polytheism in Buddhism in an earlier post Buddhism is Pagan as well as the practice of summoning (sorcery) in Buddhist Sorcery in East Asia. Again, we need to bear in mind that such magic and devotion to deities effectively were Buddhism to many people in the past, both in the Sinosphere and Indosphere. Arguably this is still the case in many places. The truth is the rich philosophy of Buddhism many study today was rather marginal as far as Buddhism on the ground was concerned in various cultures and time periods. For instance, in the East Asian context it might seem that Chan and Zen practices were widespread, but overall deity worship and magic were, and still are, far more commonly known and practised.

In a future post we will take a look at some more major Buddhist deities who have gone to the wayside in modern times.